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Mountain or Molehill?

e number of subgroups will dilute the credibility of a study. Maybe a drug is ineffective overall, but could you please check to see if it is effective in women? In patients with the most severe conditions? In patients younger than 30? In patients who smoke cigars? In patients who have a college education? In patients who live with a dog or cat? In patients who get a moderate amount of exercise?

Example: A light-hearted study on astrology (Pollex 2001) shows the problem with subgroup analysis. They established a statistically significant association between certain astrological signs and winning the Nobel prize (Geminis were more likely, Leos were less likely). The authors conclude that "foraging through databases using contrived study designs in the absence of biological mechanistic data sometimes yields spurious results."

Subgroup comparisons suffer from three problems. First, the subgroup comparison is usually a non-randomized comparison. Second, the subgroup comparison has less precision because the sample size is smaller. Third, the sample size in a study could be swamped by the potential number of possible subgroups that could potentially be examined.

If you find a subgroup that behaves differently, then you need to ask yourself a few questions. Is this a subgroup that I would have studied a priori if I had been more careful during the planning stage? Is there a plausible mechanism to explain why this subgroup behaves differently? Are there other studies that have similar findings for this subgroup?

There are some technical issues with subgroup comparisons. You wouldn't want to declare that a therapy is effective for one subgroup if the p-value for that subgroup was 0.043 and the p-value for the others was 0.062. The analysis of subgroups should be done as a formal test of interaction.

3.1.5 Measuring the right outcome--what to look for

When you are looking at the outcome measured in a study, ask yourself the following questions:

  • Is the outcome evaluating only short term changes?
  • Is the outcome related to an event that patients care about?
  • Is the research diluted through the look at multiple outcomes or multiple subgroups?

References on Suitable Outcomes

3.2 Did they measure the outcome well (measurement quality)?

Quality measurements are important for all variables, but they are especially important for the outcome measure. There are several types of measurements that provide weaker evidence. Be cautious about measurements that are retrospective, unblinded, unvalidated, or unreliable.

3.2.1 Retrospective Measurements

Retrospective measurements have less credibility than measurements taken prospectively.

Retrospective data are data that is collected by looking backwards in time. We obtain this data by asking subjects to recall events that occurred earlier in their lives. We also get retrospective data when we review medical records, birth certificates, death certificates, or other sources of historical data. In contrast, data collected during the course of the study is known as prospective data.

Retrospective data are often inexpensive to collect, but you should be concerned about their accuracy. The ability of a subject to recall information is sometimes affected by which group that they are in.

Women who have experienced miscarriages, for example, are more likely to search for and remember events that they feel might "explain" their miscarriage, much more so than a group of comparable control subjects. This differential level of reporting is known as recall bias.

In addition, historical data are often incomplete and it is sometimes difficult to verify their accuracy. Therefore, retrospective data are considered less authoritative than prospective data.

Sometimes, though, you can establish credibility for retrospective measures. A review of research on smoking illustrates this well (Gail 1996). The author recalls a 1950 study that looked at the smoking habits of lung cancer patients and controls. The authors were concerned about the retrospective assessment of smoking among patients in both groups. Would patients with lung cancer exaggerate the amount of smoking? Would the interviewers press harder for information about smoking among the cancer patients? While it would be impossible to totally rule out recall bias, the authors did examine a third group, patients who were diagnosed with lung cancer and who later found out that they suffered from a different disease (false cases). If recall bias was the sole explanation of the difference in reported smoking, then the group of false cases should have had a similar level of smoking with the lung cancer patients. Instead they reported a lower level of smoking. This helped to rule out the possibility that recall bias alone accounted for the higher reported smoking levels in the lung cancer patients.

Another difficulty with retrospective data is that you may not be able to identify which was the cause and which was the effect. Causes have to occur before and effects have to occur after, but when you examine causes and effects retrospectively, you may end up losing information about timing.

There's an old joke about a statistician who was examining the fire department records, including information about how much damage the fire caused, and how many fire engines responded to the blaze. The statistician noticed a strong relationship between the two variables and concluded that the more fire engines you send, the more damage they cause.

Example: The British Medical Journal highlighted a research study where speech patterns were recorded in two groups of surgeons. The first group had two or more malpractice claims filed against them and the second group had none. There was a large difference between the two groups, with the first group having a dominant tone with less concern for the patient. While the news report of this research suggested that: "dominance coupled with a lack of anxiety in the voice may imply surgeon indifference and lead a patient to launch a malpractice suit when poor outcomes occur." -- bmj.com/cgi/content/full/325/7359/297/a

One reader, however, pointed out that perhaps: "being sued is a brutalizing and demoralizing experience and that this experience fundamentally changes the attitude of doctors towards their patients." -- bmj.com/cgi/eletters/325/7359/297/a#24658

Retrospective studies can also use data from charts and these charts often have incomplete or ambiguous information (Horwitz 1984). A big advantage of prospective studies is that the researchers know what data they want to collect. They don't always get what they want, even in a prospective study, but the chances of getting complete and accurate data are much better.

3.2.2 Unblinded measurements

In an experimental study, it is desirable (but not always possible) to keep the information about the treatments hidden from the patients and anyone involved with evaluating the patient. This is known as "blinding" or "masking." Blinding prevents conscious or subconscious biases or expectations from influencing the outcome of the study.

There is always some individual who knows which patients get which treatments, such as the pharmacy that prepares the pills and placebos. This is perfectly fine as long as these individuals do not interact with the patients or evaluate the patients.

There is a bit of ambiguity with respect to who is blinded (Devereaux 2001). For example, a survey of 25 textbooks produced nine different definitions of "double blind." Therefore, you should avoid using these terms and focus instead on which individuals are blinded. If you are evaluating an article, look for evidence of blinding for the following groups:

  • the patients themselves,
  • clinicians who have substantial interactions with the patients,
  • anyone who assesses outcomes in these patients, or
  • anyone who collects data from these patients.

If only some of the above are unaware of the treatment, then the study is partially blinded.

Blinding prevents the placebo effect from distorting the research results. The placebo effect is a product of "belief, expectancy, cognitive reinterpretation, and diversion of attention" that can lead to psychological and sometimes physiological improvements in situations where the treatment is known to have no effect, such as sugar pills (Beyerstein 1997).

There are three specific situations where the placebo effect is of particular concern: when enthusiasm by the patient or the doctor for the new procedure is strong, when outcomes are based on the patient's self-assessment (e.g. quality of life studies), and when the treatment is primarily for symptoms

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